By Victoria Lihiru
Political parties intending to participate in Tanzania’s general elections scheduled for October 2020 are likely to publish a party elections manifesto outlining policy priorities for garnering votes. An election manifesto provides a platform for political campaigning. More strategically, it gives direction and momentum, highlighting key issues for shaping the elections race.
Women (51 percent) outnumber men (49 percent) in terms of the general population in Tanzania. They also tend to outnumber men in the sum total of registered voters. For instance, 53 percent of registered voters in the 2015 general elections were women with 29.6 percent of these being women in the 18-35 age group. Women constitute the bedrock of loyal supporters for most political parties. They are the engine of political life in most political parties, gracing community meetings, campaign missions, fundraising drives, and member recruitment.
In light of this, the expectation would be that political parties would seek to address and attract their major constituency; the biggest voters, the devoted supporters, and tireless foot soldiers. But, alas, political parties in Tanzania continue to snub women in major aspects of their organizational and ideological setup. Women constitute only 5 percent and 7 percent of elected councilors and parliamentarians at wards and at constituency levels, respectively. The bulk of women representatives (30 percent) at these levels are nominated then elected via the special seats system.
How will political parties speak to women and their unique needs in the 2020 elections campaigns? To get a sense of what we should or should not expect, I engaged in a retrospective review of three political manifestos used during the 2015 general elections. These were from Alliance for Change and Transparency Party (ACT-Wazalendo), Umoja wa Katiba ya Wananchi (UKAWA), and Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM). My analysis evaluates the political parties’ specific and crosscutting pledges towards women as enshrined in those manifestos.
ACT-Wazalendo was a new entrant in the political scene in 2015, the party being registered in May 2014. It promised voters a nation that embraces equality, dignity, patriotism, unity, and cooperation without discrimination. The party also pledged an inclusive economy and the highest level of access to quality social security, health, and education services to all Tanzanians. Yet, its manifesto, from the start to the end, failed to mention the word women. The manifesto carries neither general nor specific promises to women. It mentioned the words ‘equality’ eight times and ‘gender’ two times only.
Although the ACT-Wazalendo pledge – if implemented – would benefit both men and women, the fact that it is essentially gender blind makes it a non-starter. It is noted that the 2015 ACT-Wazalendo Constitution is somewhat gender sensitive: it establishes the women wing popularly known in Kiswahili as Ngome ya Wanawake (i.e. The Women Fort), ensures women are represented in key party meetings, and discusses reports from the women wing in main party meetings. The mismatch between the 2015 ACT-Wazalendo Constitution and the manifesto in addressing gender and or women’s issues lays bare the extent to which ACT-Wazalendo readily embraced gender equality principles. ACT-Wazalendo’s decision to field a woman presidential candidate during the 2015 elections should be commended. But how did Anna Mghwira rally support from women while her then party’s election manifesto was devoid of gender and women pledges? How did ACT-Wazalendo escape scrutiny of the myriad of political analysts over this and other glaring gender omissions during the campaign trail?
Towards the 2020 general elections, ACT-Wazalendo manifesto must be informed by a gender analysis outlining how women and men are impacted differently by the current social, economic, political, legal, technological and environmental issues. Such analysis is essential in engendering ACT Wazalendo’s 2020 priorities and the framing of specific priorities for the women constituency. It is interesting to note that this time it has chosen a gender activist, Mwanahamisi Singano, to chair its team tasked with drafting ACT-Wazalendo elections manifesto.
Umoja wa Katiba ya Wananchi (UKAWA) manifesto for the 2015 general elections was another first of its kind in Tanzania’s electoral history. Four political parties namely, Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA), Civic United Front (CUF), National Convention for Construction and Reform (NCCR-Mageuzi), and National League for Democracy (NLD) agreed to field one presidential candidate and joint candidates at ward and constituency levels. They outlined their policy commitments in one manifesto.
UKAWA’s manifesto desired to see children and women protected in the political, social and economic spheres and live in a dignified world. Its manifesto acknowledged that women are still exploited and discriminated against, especially in the areas of land ownership, inheritance, and divorce. It also recognized teen pregnancies, gender-based violence, marital rape, and violence against domestic workers as main challenges facing girls and women. The manifesto also promised to protect human rights and equal rights and included specific sections for women, youth and employment in the manifesto.
The manifesto promised to strengthen women participation in decision-making processes in order to achieve 50:50 men and women representation in the country’s leadership by 2020. It also committed to ensure effective participation of women in the economy including via affirmative action measures. To that end, it promised to establish an Independent National Women Council to connect women beyond political, religious, economic and tribal differences. The manifesto also singled out Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) working on gender issues as being instrumental in promoting gender equality and hastening legal reform that safeguards women and girls’ rights. The 2015 UKAWA mentioned the word ‘women’ 12 times and ‘equality’ 10 times. However, it failed to mention the word ‘gender’ in the whole manifesto.
The fate of the UKAWA coalition in the forthcoming 2020 general election is still unclear. But regardless of whether it stands as a coalition or as individual parties, CHADEMA, CUF, NCCR-Mageuzi and NLD’s 2020 elections manifestos should be informed by gender analysis and ensure systematic gender mainstreaming with specific pledges to women. The 2015 manifesto lumps youth, women and employment pledges under one section. The three are wider subjects and needs to be dealt separately. In addition, CHADEMA, CUF, NCCR-Mageuzi and NLD should consider making firm commitments with clear implementation plans. For example, the pledge for 50:50 parity between men and women in decision-making processes should outline specific actions for its realization.
Further, the 2015 manifesto promised to ensure all government appointments and employment opportunities are equally competed for to abolish acts of nepotism and favoritism, including in the selection of key judicial officers, such as chief justice, principle judge, and other judges who must be vetted by the parliament. This pledge presumes there is a fair playing field on access to employment and appointment positions by men and women. Pledges around clear and temporary affirmative action measures should be considered to enhance equal access to employment and appointment opportunities by men and women.
The 2015 CCM elections manifesto recognized violence against women, children, and persons with disabilities among key security priorities facing the country. The manifesto pledge to improve women’s access to and ownership of land, credit facilities, and quality agricultural inputs. The manifesto further promised to deliver free education and work to improve knowledge and usage of technology by women.
CCM’s manifesto contains specific promises to women. It promised constitutional and legislative measures for the realization of 50:50 parity between men and women in all decision-making processes. It also promised to mobilize and build capacities of women to effectively take part in decision-making bodies.
The manifesto vowed to give women legal rights in all aspects of life and to protect them against discrimination, exploitation, gender-based violence, and against harmful traditions and customs. It offered employment protections during pregnancy and after delivery. CCM’s manifesto also promised to continue efforts towards the realization of women rights, and the implementation of international conventions pertaining to the rights of women.
In order to improve women’s economic conditions, CCM’s manifesto recognized that women engagement in economic development has benefitted families and the nation at large, and it has impacted food production and security. As such, it promised to take measures to encourage women to form economic groups such as Savings and Credit Co-Operative Society (SACCOS) and Village Community Banks (VICOBA). Moreover, the manifesto promised to ensure municipalities designate ‘women development fund’ for women businesses and come up with a plan to ensure 30 percent of local government tenders benefit women and youth businesses, companies, and groups.
In its 2020 elections manifesto, CCM should make more firm and concrete commitments. The 2015 pledges to women are rather general and vague. They include loose commitments to ‘make plans to improve laws,’ ‘come up with procedure to implement,’ ‘review,’ or ‘consider taking actions’. For example, CCM promises to continue making plans around constitutional and legislative arrangements for realizing 50:50 men and women representation in all decision-making processes. However, the commitment carries no specific actions nor timeline for its realisation. Loose pledges demonstrate a lack of political accountability for intended outcomes.
 |
What then is the relevance and role of political manifestos during elections? This is a discussion we need to have today and in all forthcoming elections. As political parties draft their 2020 elections manifestos, they should expend effort to extensively speak to the majority of country’s population – the women – by addressing women key security, welfare, and development concerns, including gender-based violence, land ownership, safety and security, teen pregnancies, gender stereotypes, and related harmful practices. All 2015 elections manifestos reviewed failed to address key issues of reproductive rights, unpaid care work, and unequal pay.
A gender-sensitive manifesto not only appreciates the diversity of all groups, but is also informed by a strong gender analysis, which shows how specific groups of old, young, women, men, rural, urban, rich, and poor are impacted differently by the current social, economic, political, technological, and environmental realities. Political parties should articulate specific pledges to women and outline concrete measures to transform the status quo. Importantly, each party should indicate how they will finance and deliver gender and women specific measures and targets.
About the Author
Victoria Lihiru is Lecturer of Law at the Open University of Tanzania. She is also a Governance, Gender and Disability Inclusion Advisor. Reach the author via email: victorialihiru@gmail.com.
